No doubt it was received with something more than coldness bycertain sections
of the community. Men of wit, taste, anddiscrimination among the aristocracy gave
it a hearty welcome, but thearistocracy in general were not likely to relish a book
that turnedtheir favourite reading into ridicule and laughed at so many oftheir
favourite ideas. The dramatists who gathered round Lope as theirleader regarded
Cervantes as their common enemy, and it is plainthat he was equally obnoxious to
the other clique, the culto poets whohad Gongora for their chief. Navarrete, who
knew nothing of the letterabove mentioned, tries hard to show that the relations
betweenCervantes and Lope were of a very friendly sort, as indeed they wereuntil
"Don Quixote" was written. Cervantes, indeed, to the lastgenerously and manfully
declared his admiration of Lope's powers,his unfailing invention, and his marvellous
fertility; but in thepreface of the First Part of "Don Quixote" and in the verses
of"Urganda the Unknown," and one or two other places, there are, if weread between
the lines, sly hits at Lope's vanities and affectationsthat argue no personal good-will;
and Lope openly sneers at "DonQuixote" and Cervantes, and fourteen years after his
death gives himonly a few lines of cold commonplace in the "Laurel de Apolo," thatseem
all the colder for the eulogies of a host of nonentities whosenames are found nowhere
else.
In 1601 Valladolid was made the seat of the Court, and at thebeginning of 1603
Cervantes had been summoned thither in connectionwith the balance due by him to
the Treasury, which was stilloutstanding. He remained at Valladolid, apparently
supportinghimself by agencies and scrivener's work of some sort; probablydrafting
petitions and drawing up statements of claims to be presentedto the Council, and
the like. So, at least, we gather from thedepositions taken on the occasion of the
death of a gentleman, thevictim of a street brawl, who had been carried into the
house in whichhe lived. In these he himself is described as a man who wrote andtransacted
business, and it appears that his household thenconsisted of his wife, the natural
daughter Isabel de Saavedra alreadymentioned, his sister Andrea, now a widow, her
daughter Constanza, amysterious Magdalena de Sotomayor calling herself his sister,
for whomhis biographers cannot account, and a servant-maid.
Meanwhile "Don Quixote" had been growing in favour, and its author'sname was
now known beyond the Pyrenees. In 1607 an edition was printedat Brussels. Robles,
the Madrid publisher, found it necessary tomeet the demand by a third edition, the
seventh in all, in 1608. Thepopularity of the book in Italy was such that a Milan
bookseller wasled to bring out an edition in 1610; and another was called for inBrussels
in 1611. It might naturally have been expected that, withsuch proofs before him
that he had hit the taste of the public,Cervantes would have at once set about redeeming
his rather vaguepromise of a second volume.
But, to all appearance, nothing was farther from his thoughts. Hehad still by
him one or two short tales of the same vintage as thosehe had inserted in "Don Quixote"
and instead of continuing theadventures of Don Quixote, he set to work to write
more of these"Novelas Exemplares" as he afterwards called them, with a view tomaking
a book of them.
The novels were published in the summer of 1613, with a dedicationto the Conde
de Lemos, the Maecenas of the day, and with one ofthose chatty confidential prefaces
Cervantes was so fond of. Inthis, eight years and a half after the First Part of
"Don Quixote" hadappeared, we get the first hint of a forthcoming Second Part. "Youshall
see shortly," he says, "the further exploits of Don Quixoteand humours of Sancho
Panza." His idea of "shortly" was a somewhatelastic one, for, as we know by the
date to Sancho's letter, he hadbarely one-half of the book completed that time twelvemonth.
But more than poems, or pastorals, or novels, it was his dramaticambition that
engrossed his thoughts. The same indomitable spirit thatkept him from despair in
the bagnios of Algiers, and prompted him toattempt the escape of himself and his
comrades again and again, madehim persevere in spite of failure and discouragement
in his efforts towin the ear of the public as a dramatist. The temperament of Cervanteswas
essentially sanguine. The portrait he draws in the preface tothe novels, with the
aquiline features, chestnut hair, smoothuntroubled forehead, and bright cheerful
eyes, is the very portrait ofa sanguine man. Nothing that the managers might say
could persuade himthat the merits of his plays would not be recognised at last if
theywere only given a fair chance. The old soldier of the SpanishSalamis was bent
on being the Aeschylus of Spain. He was to found agreat national drama, based on
the true principles of art, that was tobe the envy of all nations; he was to drive
from the stage thesilly, childish plays, the "mirrors of nonsense and models of
folly"that were in vogue through the cupidity of the managers andshortsightedness
of the authors; he was to correct and educate thepublic taste until it was ripe
for tragedies on the model of the Greekdrama- like the "Numancia" for instance-
and comedies that would notonly amuse but improve and instruct. All this he was
to do, could heonce get a hearing: there was the initial difficulty.
He shows plainly enough, too, that "Don Quixote" and thedemolition of the chivalry
romances was not the work that lay next hisheart. He was, indeed, as he says himself
in his preface, more astepfather than a father to "Don Quixote." Never was great
work soneglected by its author. That it was written carelessly, hastily,and by fits
and starts, was not always his fault, but it seems clearhe never read what he sent
to the press. He knew how the printershad blundered, but he never took the trouble
to correct them whenthe third edition was in progress, as a man who really cared
for thechild of his brain would have done. He appears to have regarded thebook as
little more than a mere libro de entretenimiento, an amusingbook, a thing, as he
says in the "Viaje," "to divert the melancholymoody heart at any time or season."
No doubt he had an affection forhis hero, and was very proud of Sancho Panza. It
would have beenstrange indeed if he had not been proud of the most humorouscreation
in all fiction. He was proud, too, of the popularity andsuccess of the book, and
beyond measure delightful is the naivete withwhich he shows his pride in a dozen
passages in the Second Part. Butit was not the success he coveted. In all probability
he would havegiven all the success of "Don Quixote," nay, would have seen everycopy
of "Don Quixote" burned in the Plaza Mayor, for one suchsuccess as Lope de Vega
was enjoying on an average once a week.
And so he went on, dawdling over "Don Quixote," adding a chapternow and again,
and putting it aside to turn to "Persiles andSigismunda" -which, as we know, was
to be the most entertaining bookin the language, and the rival of "Theagenes and
Chariclea"- orfinishing off one of his darling comedies; and if Robles asked when"Don
Quixote" would be ready, the answer no doubt was: En breve-shortly, there was time
enough for that. At sixty-eight he was as fullof life and hope and plans for the
future as a boy of eighteen.
Nemesis was coming, however. He had got as far as Chapter LIX, whichat his leisurely
pace he could hardly have reached before October orNovember 1614, when there was
put into his hand a small octavelately printed at Tarragona, and calling itself
"Second Volume ofthe Ingenious Gentleman Don Quixote of La Mancha: by the LicentiateAlonso
Fernandez de Avellaneda of Tordesillas." The last half ofChapter LIX and most of
the following chapters of the Second Part giveus some idea of the effect produced
upon him, and his irritation wasnot likely to be lessened by the reflection that
he had no one toblame but himself. Had Avellaneda, in fact, been content with merelybringing
out a continuation to "Don Quixote," Cervantes would have hadno reasonable grievance.
His own intentions were expressed in the veryvaguest language at the end of the
book; nay, in his last words,"forse altro cantera con miglior plettro," he seems
actually to invitesome one else to continue the work, and he made no sign until
eightyears and a half had gone by; by which time Avellaneda's volume was nodoubt
written.
In fact Cervantes had no case, or a very bad one, as far as the merecontinuation
was concerned. But Avellaneda chose to write a preface toit, full of such coarse
personal abuse as only an ill-conditionedman could pour out. He taunts Cervantes
with being old, with havinglost his hand, with having been in prison, with being
poor, with beingfriendless, accuses him of envy of Lope's success, of petulance
andquerulousness, and so on; and it was in this that the sting lay.Avellaneda's
reason for this personal attack is obvious enough.Whoever he may have been, it is
clear that he was one of thedramatists of Lope's school, for he has the impudence
to chargeCervantes with attacking him as well as Lope in his criticism on thedrama.
His identification has exercised the best critics and baffledall the ingenuity and
research that has been brought to bear on it.Navarrete and Ticknor both incline
to the belief that Cervantes knewwho he was; but I must say I think the anger he
shows suggests aninvisible assailant; it is like the irritation of a man stung by
amosquito in the dark. Cervantes from certain solecisms of languagepronounces him
to be an Aragonese, and Pellicer, an Aragonese himself,supports this view and believes
him, moreover, to have been anecclesiastic, a Dominican probably.
Any merit Avellaneda has is reflected from Cervantes, and he istoo dull to reflect
much. "Dull and dirty" will always be, Iimagine, the verdict of the vast majority
of unprejudiced readers.He is, at best, a poor plagiarist; all he can do is to followslavishly
the lead given him by Cervantes; his only humour lies inmaking Don Quixote take
inns for castles and fancy himself somelegendary or historical personage, and Sancho
mistake words, invertproverbs, and display his gluttony; all through he shows aproclivity
to coarseness and dirt, and he has contrived to introducetwo tales filthier than
anything by the sixteenth century novellieriand without their sprightliness.
But whatever Avellaneda and his book may be, we must not forgetthe debt we owe
them. But for them, there can be no doubt, "DonQuixote" would have come to us a
mere torso instead of a completework. Even if Cervantes had finished the volume
he had in hand, mostassuredly he would have left off with a promise of a Third Part,giving
the further adventures of Don Quixote and humours of SanchoPanza as shepherds. It
is plain that he had at one time an intentionof dealing with the pastoral romances
as he had dealt with the booksof chivalry, and but for Avellaneda he would have
tried to carry itout. But it is more likely that, with his plans, and projects,
andhopefulness, the volume would have remained unfinished till his death,and that
we should have never made the acquaintance of the Duke andDuchess, or gone with
Sancho to Barataria.
From the moment the book came into his hands he seems to have beenhaunted by
the fear that there might be more Avellanedas in the field,and putting everything
else aside, he set himself to finish off histask and protect Don Quixote in the
only way he could, by killing him.The conclusion is no doubt a hasty and in some
places clumsy pieceof work and the frequent repetition of the scolding administered
toAvellaneda becomes in the end rather wearisome; but it is, at anyrate, a conclusion
and for that we must thank Avellaneda.
The new volume was ready for the press in February, but was notprinted till the
very end of 1615, and during the interval Cervantesput together the comedies and
interludes he had written within thelast few years, and, as he adds plaintively,
found no demand for amongthe managers, and published them with a preface, worth
the book itintroduces tenfold, in which he gives an account of the earlySpanish
stage, and of his own attempts as a dramatist. It isneedless to say they were put
forward by Cervantes in all good faithand full confidence in their merits. The reader,
however, was not tosuppose they were his last word or final effort in the drama,
for hehad in hand a comedy called "Engano a los ojos," about which, if hemistook
not, there would be no question.
Of this dramatic masterpiece the world has no opportunity ofjudging; his health
had been failing for some time, and he died,apparently of dropsy, on the 23rd of
April, 1616, the day on whichEngland lost Shakespeare, nominally at least, for the
English calendarhad not yet been reformed. He died as he had lived, accepting hislot
bravely and cheerfully.
Was it an unhappy life, that of Cervantes? His biographers alltell us that it
was; but I must say I doubt it. It was a hard life,a life of poverty, of incessant
struggle, of toil ill paid, ofdisappointment, but Cervantes carried within himself
the antidote toall these evils. His was not one of those light natures that riseabove
adversity merely by virtue of their own buoyancy; it was inthe fortitude of a high
spirit that he was proof against it. It isimpossible to conceive Cervantes giving
way to despondency orprostrated by dejection. As for poverty, it was with him a
thing to belaughed over, and the only sigh he ever allows to escape him is whenhe
says, "Happy he to whom Heaven has given a piece of bread for whichhe is not bound
to give thanks to any but Heaven itself." Add to allthis his vital energy and mental
activity, his restless inventionand his sanguine temperament, and there will be
reason enough to doubtwhether his could have been a very unhappy life. He who could
takeCervantes' distresses together with his apparatus for enduring themwould not
make so bad a bargain, perhaps, as far as happiness inlife is concerned.
Of his burial-place nothing is known except that he was buried, inaccordance
with his will, in the neighbouring convent of Trinitariannuns, of which it is supposed
his daughter, Isabel de Saavedra, was aninmate, and that a few years afterwards
the nuns removed to anotherconvent, carrying their dead with them. But whether the
remains ofCervantes were included in the removal or not no one knows, and theclue
to their resting-place is now lost beyond all hope. Thisfurnishes perhaps the least
defensible of the items in the charge ofneglect brought against his contemporaries.
In some of the othersthere is a good deal of exaggeration. To listen to most of
hisbiographers one would suppose that all Spain was in league not onlyagainst the
man but against his memory, or at least that it wasinsensible to his merits, and
left him to live in misery and die ofwant. To talk of his hard life and unworthy
employments in Andalusiais absurd. What had he done to distinguish him from thousands
of otherstruggling men earning a precarious livelihood? True, he was a gallantsoldier,
who had been wounded and had undergone captivity andsuffering in his country's cause,
but there were hundreds of others inthe same case. He had written a mediocre specimen
of an insipidclass of romance, and some plays which manifestly did not complywith
the primary condition of pleasing: were the playgoers topatronise plays that did
not amuse them, because the author was toproduce "Don Quixote" twenty years afterwards?